by Dr. Barney Walsh

Published online: 26 May 2020

Republished from: African Arguments

 

But it wasn’t. Instead of using the maltreatment of Africans in China as an opportunity to take a more assertive stance, Africa’s leaders let it pass.

Africa-China relations are largely driven by high-level state-state relationships through summits such as FOCAC. Credit: GCIS

Last month, social media became awash with footage of authorities in China maltreating African residents. In the city of Guangzhou, African migrants were evicted from apartments and denied access to restaurants. A McDonald’s put up a notice saying “black people cannot come in”.

The reaction across Africa was of widespread indignation. #ChinaMustExplain trended as some called on their governments to close Chinese embassies, deport Chinese nationals and recall their ambassadors from Beijing.

African governments scrambled to respond. Ministers made statements on twitter, held meetings, and insisted they would not tolerate such behaviour. Analysts wrote of a “unprecedented rupture” in Africa-China relations.

Just as quickly as it had started, however, the furore subsided. On 12 April, China’s foreign ministry made an announcement in which it did not explicitly apologise but insisted it had “zero tolerance for discrimination” and was “working promptly to improve their working method”. Shortly after, officials across Africa suggested they considered the matter resolved.

Nigeria’s foreign minister, for example, commended the Chinese government for its response to what he described as “unfortunate” incidents. Moussa Faki, Chair of the African Union Commission, explained that China’s foreign minister “reassured me of measures underway in Guangzhou to improve the situation of Africans”.

by Prof. Youssef Mahmoud & Andrea Ó Súilleabháin

Pages 101-118 | Published online: 30 Jan 2020

Republished from: Taylor & Francis Online


Abstract

Eight years after the Arab Spring revolutions, Tunisia's state and citizens are crafting an increasingly resilient national social contract, despite setbacks. This case study examines what is driving Tunisia's efforts, focusing in particular on key transition initiatives – including a national dialogue and a forward-looking constitution adopted by broad consensus, following nation-wide consultations. The case examines how informed and empowered Tunisians built these structures to leverage the inherent resilience capacities of the people, which developed throughout state and civil society formation, women's movements, labour movements, and civic education. The research suggests that two issues that gave rise to the revolution have remained particular challenges for efforts to mediate and address conflict: political and social polarisation and lack of livelihoods. It reveals how Tunisians are calling for more inclusion and institutionalised citizen engagement as a means to address them. Conclusions point to how post-revolution, democratisation gains as well as values of compromise, tolerance, dialogue appear to be immunising Tunisia against irreparable reversals and are laying the foundations for sustainable democratic peace.

Click here to download the article


 

by Prof. Kevin James Kewir

Published online: 28 Apr 2020

Republished from: Taylor & Francis Online

Abstract

The Central African region remains one of the most chaotic parts of Africa. Countries in the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS) region have taken steps to address the security crisis regionally. Although the regional security mechanisms put in place have been tested significantly only in the Central African Republic (CAR), they have failed to deliver security and address the growing humanitarian crisis in this country. The approach adopted has been statist, focusing on the state apparatus and the interests of its managers over those of the economic classes and civil society. This case study uses a qualitative research strategy. Data for the study was obtained from secondary sources via desk research. Focusing on the core issues of societal security in the CAR, the study demonstrates that continued reliance on the statist approach explains why ECCAS has not been successful in addressing the crisis. It is recommended that efforts focus on developing resilient social structures.

Click this link to download the article


 

by Dr. Sonja Theron

Published online: 20 Apr 2020

Republished from: Taylor & Francis Online

Abstract:

Following South Sudan's secession in 2011, the country faced significant political, social and economic challenges. The country emerged from a long andarduous nation-building journey, including almost 50 years of violent conflict, that would continue after declaring independence. This nation-building process would suffer a significant set-back in December 2013 when the most recent civil war broke out. This article provides a new perspective on South Sudan's nation-building trajectory that tends towards violence and complicates peace-building. It does so by utilising the leadership process approach from the Leadership Studies literature. While popular literature and commentary tends to fault the South Sudanese elite for the current crisis, there has not been a systematic effort to understand the leadership challenge and its role in conflict, peace and nation-building in South Sudan. In this article, South Sudan's nation-building process and its three primary components of (a) identity construction, (b) statehood and (c) collective will and responsibility, are analysed from a leadership perspective, focusing on issues of power and influence. The conclusion is reached that South Sudan's nation-building has been and will likely continue to trend towards a violent process due to a leadership process that lacks mutuality and is founded on insufficient sources of power.

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How to escape coronavirus anxiety

Facing the first global pandemic in this era of social media can be emotionally exhausting.

by Hubert Kinkoh

18 March 2020

Republished from: The Star


In Summary



• Accompanying the confirmation of new cases has been anxiety revolving around how to contain the spread of the virus and disruption to normal life post-globalization.

•  But should we panic when the majority of the confirmed infections are categorised as mild; or when it is clear the bulk of the people infected recover?


VIRUS OUTBREAK: Chinese wear face masks to protect themselves from coronavirus. Image: COURTESY



With concerns over the spreading outbreak of coronavirus and the corresponding havoc it is wreaking on the global economy, the current news cycle is overwhelming.

President Uhuru Kenyatta’s statement on Sunday evening reinforced how critical the situation is. My observation of reactions across social media indicates these concerns go beyond the virus itself, to include the social impacts – collective trauma and moral quandaries.

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